(Click on photo to see
video 0f King's "I Have A Dream" speech.)
*
* * * * * * * * *
Martin Luther King Jr. was born in Atlanta, Georgia, the eldest son of
Martin Luther King, Sr., a Baptist minister, and Alberta Williams King.
His father served as pastor of a large Atlanta church, Ebenezer Baptist,
which had been founded by Martin Luther King Jr.'s maternal grandfather.
King Jr. was ordained as a Baptist minister at age 18.
King attended local segregated public schools, where he excelled. He
entered nearby Morehouse College at age 15 and graduated with a bachelor's
degree in sociology in 1948. After graduating with honors from Crozer
Theological Seminary in Pennsylvania in 1951, he went to Boston University
where he earned a doctoral degree in systematic theology in 1955.
King's public-speaking abilities — which would become renowned as his
stature grew in the Civil Rights Movement — developed slowly during his
collegiate years. He won a second-place prize in a speech contest while an
undergraduate at Morehouse, but received Cs in two public-speaking courses
in his first year at Crozer. By the end of his third year at Crozer,
however, professors were praising King for the powerful impression he made
in public speeches.
Throughout his education, King was exposed to influences that related
Christian theology to the struggles of oppressed peoples. At Morehouse,
Crozer, and Boston University, he studied the teachings on nonviolent
protest of Indian leader Mohandas Gandhi. King also read and heard the
sermons of white Protestant ministers who preached against American
racism. Benjamin E. Mays, president of Morehouse and a leader in the
national community of racially liberal clergymen, was especially important
in shaping King's theological development.
While in Boston, King met Coretta Scott, a music student and native of
Alabama. They were married in 1953 and would have four children. In 1954
King accepted his first pastorate at the Dexter Avenue Baptist Church in
Montgomery, Alabama.
In 1957 King helped found the Southern Christian Leadership Conference
(SCLC), an organization of black churches and ministers that aimed to
challenge racial segregation. As SCLC's president, King became the
organization's dominant personality and its primary intellectual
influence. He was responsible for much of the organization's fund raising,
which he frequently conducted in conjunction with preaching engagements in
Northern churches.
King made strategic alliances with Northern whites that would bolster his
success at influencing public opinion in the United States. Through Bayard
Rustin, a black civil rights and peace activist, King forged connections
to older radical activists, many of them Jewish, who provided money and
advice about strategy. King's closest adviser at times was Stanley Levison,
a Jewish activist and former member of the American Communist Party. King
also developed strong ties to leading white Protestant ministers in the
North.
In 1959 King visited India and worked out more clearly his understanding
of Satyagraha, Gandhi's principle of nonviolent persuasion, which King had
determined to use as his main instrument of social protest. The next year
he gave up his pastorate in Montgomery to become co-pastor (with his
father) of the Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta.
In May 1963 King
and his SCLC staff escalated anti-segregation marches in Birmingham by
encouraging teenagers and school children to join. Hundreds of singing
children filled the streets of downtown Birmingham, angering Sheriff Bull
Connor, who sent police officers with attack dogs and firefighters with
high-pressure water hoses against the marchers. Scenes of young protesters
being attacked by dogs and pinned against buildings by torrents of water
from fire hoses were shown in newspapers and on televisions around the
world.
During
the demonstrations, King was arrested and sent to jail. He wrote a letter
from his jail cell to local clergymen who had criticized him for creating
disorder in the city. His "Letter from Birmingham City Jail," which argued
that individuals had the moral right and responsibility to disobey unjust
laws, was widely read at the time and added to King's standing as a moral
leader. National reaction to the Birmingham violence built support for the
struggle for black civil rights. The demonstrations forced white leaders
to negotiate an end to some forms of segregation in Birmingham. Even more
important, the protests encouraged many Americans to support national
legislation against segregation.
King and other black leaders organized the 1963 March on Washington, a
massive protest in Washington, D.C., for jobs and civil rights. On August
28, 1963, King delivered the keynote address to an audience of more than
200,000 civil rights supporters. His
"I Have a
Dream" speech expressed the hopes of the Civil Rights Movement in
oratory as moving as any in American history: "I have a dream that one day
this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: 'We
hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.' ...
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation
where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the
content of their character."
The speech and the march built on the Birmingham demonstrations to create
the political momentum that resulted in the Civil Rights Act of 1964,
which prohibited segregation in public accommodations, as well as
discrimination in education and employment. As a result of King's
effectiveness as a leader of the American Civil Rights Movement and his
highly visible moral stance he was awarded the 1964 Nobel Prize for peace.
In 1965 SCLC joined a voting-rights protest march that was planned to go
from Selma, Alabama, to the state capital of Montgomery, more than 80 km
(50 mi) away. The goal of the march was to draw national attention
to the
struggle for black voting rights in the state. Police beat and tear-gassed
the marchers just outside of Selma, and televised scenes of the violence,
on a day that came to be known as Bloody Sunday, resulted in an outpouring
of support to continue the march. SCLC petitioned for and received a
federal court order barring police from interfering with a renewed march
to Montgomery. Two weeks after Bloody Sunday, more than 3000 people,
including a core of 300 marchers who would make the entire trip, set out
toward Montgomery. They arrived in Montgomery five days later, where King
addressed a rally of more than 20,000 people in front of the capitol
building.
The march created support for the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which
President Lyndon Johnson signed into law in August. The act suspended (and
amendments to the act later banned) the use of literacy tests and other
voter qualification tests that often had been used to prevent blacks from
registering to vote.
After the Selma protests, King had fewer dramatic successes in his
struggle for black civil rights. Many white Americans who had supported
his work believed that the job was done. In many ways, the nation's
appetite for civil rights progress had been filled. King also lost support
among white Americans when he joined the growing number of antiwar
activists in 1965 and began to criticize publicly American foreign policy
in Vietnam. King's outspoken opposition to the Vietnam War (1959-1975)
also angered President Johnson. On the other hand, some of King's white
supporters agreed with his criticisms of United States involvement in
Vietnam so strongly that they shifted their activism from civil rights to
the antiwar movement.
By the mid-1960s King's role as the unchallenged leader of the Civil
Rights Movement was questioned by many younger blacks. Activists of the
Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee argued that King's nonviolent
protest strategies and appeals to moral idealism were useless in the face
of sustained violence by whites. Some also rejected the leadership of
ministers. In addition, many organizers resented King, feeling that often
they had put in the hard work of planning and organizing protests, only to
have the charismatic King arrive later and receive much of the credit. In
1966 the Black Power movement captured the nation's attention and
suggested that King's influence among blacks was waning. Black Power
advocates looked more to the beliefs of the recently assassinated Malcolm
X, whose insistence on black self-reliance and the right of blacks to
defend themselves against violent attacks had been embraced by many
African Americans.
With internal divisions beginning to divide the Civil Rights Movement,
King shifted his focus to racial injustice in the North. Realizing
that
the economic difficulties of blacks in Northern cities had largely been
ignored,
SCLC broadened
its
civil
rights agenda by focusing
on
issues related to black poverty. King established a headquarters in a Chicago apartment in 1966, using that as a base to organize protests
against housing and employment discrimination in the city. Black Baptist
ministers who disagreed with many of SCLC's tactics, especially the
confrontational act of sending black protesters into all-white
neighborhoods, publicly opposed King's efforts. The protests did not lead
to significant gains and were often met with violent
counter-demonstrations by whites, including neo-Nazis and members of the
Ku Klux Klan, a secret terrorist organization that was opposed to
integration
Throughout
1966 and 1967 King increasingly turned the focus of his civil rights
activism throughout the country to economic issues. He began to argue for redistribution of
the nation's economic wealth to overcome entrenched black poverty. In 1967
he began planning a Poor People's Campaign to pressure national lawmakers
to address the issue of economic justice.
This emphasis on economic rights took King to Memphis, Tennessee, to
support striking black garbage workers in the spring of 1968. He was
assassinated in Memphis by a sniper on April 4. News of the assassination
resulted in an outpouring of shock and anger throughout the nation and the
world, prompting riots in more than 100 United States cities in the days
following King's death. In 1969 James Earl Ray, an escaped white convict,
pleaded guilty to the murder of King and was sentenced to 99 years in
prison. Although over the years many investigators have suspected that Ray
did not act alone, no accomplices have ever been identified.
After King's death, historians researching his life and career discovered
that the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) often tapped King's phone
line and reported on his private life to the president and other
government officials. The FBI's reason for invading his privacy was that
King associated with Communists and other "radicals."
After his death, King came to represent black courage and achievement,
high moral leadership, and the ability of Americans to address and
overcome racial divisions. Recollections of his criticisms of U.S. foreign
policy and poverty faded, and his soaring rhetoric calling for racial
justice and an integrated society became almost as familiar to subsequent
generations of Americans as the Declaration of Independence.
King's historical importance was memorialized at the Martin Luther King
Jr. Center for Social Justice, a research institute in Atlanta. Also in
Atlanta is the Martin Luther King National Historic Site, which includes
his birthplace, the Ebenezer Church, and the King Center, where his tomb
is located. Perhaps the most important memorial is the
National Holidayin King's honor, designated by the Congress of the United States in 1983
and observed on the third Monday in January, a day that falls on or near
King's birthday of January 15.